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Introduction
Equal Rights, Unequal Protection
Private Parties
Bush Chapter 1, Bush Chapter 2, Bush Chapter 3
Dean
Edwards
Gephardt
Graham
Kerry
Lieberman
Moseley Braun
Sharpton
Conclusion and Acknowledgements
Introduction
The Almanac of American Politics 2002, by Michael Barone, (National Journal Group, 2001) supplied the chapter with a statistical basis for "The 49% Nation."
For much of the discussion of the health of the presidential candidate's we borrowed from Brain E. Crowley's article, "Graham Says Heart Surgery Included Bypass, Hole Repair," published in February 21, 2003 by the Palm Beach Post. Thomas Edsall and Mike Allen's article "Bush's 'Bundlers' Take Fundraising to New Level," published in The Washington Post on July 14th, 2003" and Susan Glasser and Dan Balz's article, "Bush Tries to Sooth Financiers; N.H. Loss Worries Top Fundraisers," another Post piece, published on February 10, 2000, added to what was already written about Bush's fundraising in Charles Lewis and the Center for Public Integrity's book, The Buying of the President 2000 (Avon, 2000). Information about the Bush Pioneer program, including in-depth analyses of the recently discovered additional list of Pioneers, originated from Craig McDonald and his group, Texans for Public Justice. McDonald and TPJ, compiled the most comprehensive list of Pioneers from the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act deposition material, as well as from Bush campaign press releases, fundraising documents, and information disclosed in the Philadelphia Inquirer. The information can be found on their website: www.tpj.org.
Bush's Brain: How Karl Rove Made
The McCain South Carolina story is substantiated by his comments to the Center, his memoir, Worth Fighting For, by John McCain and Mark Salter (Random House, 2002), as well as indispensable quotes from, "The South Carolina Republican Presidential Primary: Issue Advocacy Groups and Campaign Spending," by William V. Moore and Danielle Vinson, published in The Journal of Political Science (Volume 29, 2000), "From backstage, Karl Rove keeps his eye on the prize Adviser has helped George W. Bush navigate state and national political waters since Day One," by Wayne Slater and James Moore, published in The Dallas Morning News on February 23, 2003, and "Winning Ugly," published in The Buffalo Daily News (editorial) on March 12, 2000. The McCain discussion also uses passages and CNN exit poll data from "Texas Governor Styles Himself 'Reformer with Record of Results," by Anne E. Hornpout, The Boston Globe, and February 12, 2000.
Campaign filings from the 2000 presidential election housed at the Federal Election Commission's complemented the Center's data collection and analyses of campaign and candidate filing data. The Center for Responsive Politics and their website, www.opensecrets.org, contributed breakdowns of the contribution data demographically as well as by industry.
The chapter pulls heavily from McConnell v. FEC depositions and documents throughout; highlighting documents obtained by the Center for Public Integrity through the District Court, originally reported on the Center's website, www.publicintegrity.org. Marianne Holt Viral and Trevor Potter of The Campaign Legal Center, www.campaignlegalcenter.org, Jonathan Tanner and David Eagleby of the Center for the Study of Elections and Democracy, and John Bonifaz of the National Voting Rights Institute (NVRI), all helped to obtain portions of the McConnell v. FEC documents along as well as assisted in analysis of the court case. The John Oliver deposition is available in full at the TPJ website, and the Thomas Kuhn memo can be found on NVRI's website, www.nvri.org.
Equal Rights, Unequal Protection
The detail of the Florida voters placed on the error-ridden felon list in the 2000 election came directly from testimony supplied to the United States Commission on Civil Rights at hearings held on January 11-12, 2001 in Tallahassee, Florida, and on February 16, 2001 in Miami, Florida. The Commission produced an extensive report titled, "Voting Irregularities in Florida During the 2000 Presidential Election," in June of 2001 and can be found on their website: www.usccr.gov. The Center used FOIA to obtain the documents subpoenaed by the Commission from Katherine Harris, Clay Roberts, Jeb Bush as well as the unsealed portion of Database Technologies, a ChoicePoint company's documents. In addition, the Center obtained, via FOIA, a copy of the Central Voter file and copies of all emails created in Jeb Bush's office and Katherine Harris's regarding the list maintenance contract.
The Center also acquired a copy of the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe's (OSCE) United States of America, General Elections, Assessment Mission Report, which supplied statistics and analysis of the 2000 election follies in Florida. The Florida papers assisted with the detail of the Florida mess, as did several of the hundreds of books written about the subject. In particular we credit, Down & Dirty: the plot to Steal the Presidency, by Jake Tapper (2001), Jews for Buchanan, by John Nichols (New Press, 2001), At Any Cost: How Al Gore Tried to Steal the Election, by Bill Sammon (Regnery, 2001), Divided We Stand: How Al Gore Beat George Bush and lost the Presidency and The Best Democracy Money Can Buy, by Greg Palast (Penguin, 2003). The New York Times report, "Examining the Vote: the Patterns; Ballots Cast by Black and Older Voters Were Tossed in Far Greater Numbers," by Ford Fessnden, published on November 12, 2001, added an important analysis of disenfranchisement in American politics, as did the Democratic staff of the House of Representative's Committee on the Judiciary's report prepared for Representative John Conyer titled, "How to Make Over One Million Votes Disappear: Electoral Slight of Hand in the 2000 Presidential Election," presented on August 20, 2001.
The Center closely examined the Governor's Task Force Report on Elections, Procedures, Standards, and Technologies released on March 1, 2003, the disenfranchisement cases generated in Florida following the 2000 election, and the Department of Justice's Civil Rights Division pursued suits in Osceola, Miami-Dade, and Orange counties.
The Center for Responsive Politics web address, www.opensecrets.org, contributed a breakdown of financing by industry and candidate.
Private Parties
For our analysis of the pharmaceutical and tobacco industries' long term contribution trends to the Republican and Democratic Parties over the last decade, we used the "Special Interests" database on the Center for Responsive Politics website at www.opensecrets.org. This is the same database that we used throughout the chapter when we analyzed various industries' giving patterns to the Democratic and Republican parties respectively.
In our discussing party fundraising in the post-Watergate, FEC era, the analysis of Party Fund-Raising of Hard and Soft Money on page 123 of the Ninth Edition of Parties, Politics and Public Policy in America by William J. Keefe and Marc J. Hetherington was absolutely essential. This resource was also referenced when we looked into voters' perceptions of the differences between the two parties. If this interests the reader, refer to page 13 of the text.
With regard to our insights into the political parties during the early years of the American Republic, we relied heavily on Arthur M. Schlesinger's seminal work Cycles of American History, page 258. In the following section that expanded on the development of the Republican and Democratic Parties from loose coalitions into multi-million dollar, permanent bureaucracies, we used material from a Center for Public Integrity report entitled Political Party Leadership in Washington's Mercenary Culture, which was originally published in September 1992.
We drew our information about declining from voter participation since 1960 from The Vanishing Voter by Thomas E. Patterson. Patterson addressed this issue specifically between page 4 and 13.
We also used information from the Vanishing Voter for our section on voter identification in the 2000 election. The New York Times 2003 Almanac was also an essential source for this section.
The Center liberally used information from Michael Barone's The 49% Nation for its discourse on how voting demographics broke down along gender, ethnic, religious and income lines.
Mark Mellman and Richard Wirthlin discussed the public's perception of the impact of large contributions to political parties in their article "Public Views on Party Soft Money", which appeared in Inside the Campaign Finance Battle. Its editors are Anthony Corrado, Thomas Mann and Trevor Potter and it is published by Brookings Institution Press.
Senator Alan Simpson's deposition was taken on 11:40 AM, October 1, 2002 on behalf of the NRA for the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act litigation, which is known as McConnell v. FEC. Also a part of this case, Senator Warren Rudman's written statement was in the Defendant's Exhibits under Redacted Defendant's Fact Witness Declarations.
Senator William E. Brock's written statement was one of the Defendant's Exhibits as well, but his interview with the Center was originally obtained Private Parties: Political Party Leadership in Washington's Mercenary Culture.
Former Congressman Pat William's testimony was part of Victoria Jackson Gray Adam, et al. v FEC, et al and was heard on October 17, 2002.
The analysis of the mining company contributors was based on a Center analysis of Federal Election Commission records.
Information about mining and logging interests' and Burlington Northern & Santa Fe railroad's contributions to Racicot while he was governor was obtained from The National Institute of Money and in State Politics website www.followthemoney.org.
Many of the details about Marc Racicot and the asbestos poisoning in Libby, MO were provided by an insightful article by Todd Wilkinson called "Marc Racicot: One of the would-be president's men" which appeared in the High Country News March 13, 2000.
For information about Racicot's campaign to weaken Montana's Superfund statues and other initiatives to lower state environmental standards, the Center frequently referred to the Montana Conservation Voters "scorecards" for 1999 and 2000. These "scorecards" are available on their website www.mtvoters.org.
The lion's share of the information about Burlington Northern Santa Fe (BNSF) Corporation's profits, coal traffic and relationship with power generators was gleaned from the BNSF 2002 Annual Report to Shareholders, which is available at www.bnsf.com.
The San Jose Mercury News article that first reported on Siebel System's extraordinary fundraising in 2002 was entitled "Siebel boosting political profile with hefty PAC war chest is industry's biggest" by Jim Puzzanghera and was from March 24, 2002. In addition, numbers on Siebel's contributions to the NRCC was compiled from the Center for Responsive Politics website at www.opensecrets.org from their "Individual Donors Search" and "Political Action Committee" search.
The Center derived its information on the Ron Brown controversy and Haley Barbour's lobbying activity while GOP chairman from a Center report entitled Private Parties: Political Party Leadership in Washington's Mercenary Culture as well as from an interview that Barbour gave to the Center for Buying of the President 2000.
Information obtained from an article in The New Republic titled "The Insider: The most powerful Bushie you've never heard of" was essential for our discussion of Ed Gillespie's involvement in the 2000 Republican Convention, the Bush 2000 election campaign and the Miami-Dade Recount. The article first appeared in July 30, 2001 and was written by Ryan Lizza.
Additional information on the BCCI scandal can be found in a 1992 Center for Public Integrity report Under the Influence.
The Center compiled number on Quinn & Gillespie's lobbying activities from Senate lobbying disclosures contained on the Senate website sopr.senate.gov. Incidentally, this government website was the primary source for all of the Center's analysis of lobbying activities in this book. In addition to this Senate website, we also used Public Citizen's an article "Ed Gillespie: The Embedded Lobbyist" for background on Gillespie's lobbying relation with SBC Communications and Verizon Wireless specifically. This article appeared in Public Citizen's Congress Watch June 2003.
The New York Times article that revealed PhRMA was planning on spending $150 million for lobbying was "Drug Companies Increase Spending on Efforts to Lobby Congress and Governments" by Robert Pear. It was published on June 1, 2003.
According to its website the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse, or TRAC, is "a data gathering, data research and data distribution organization associated with Syracuse University." The Center used this resource to compare the Clinton and Bush Labor Departments respective records on rooting out union corruption. This was done by using TRAC's database to ascertain the conviction rate for cases brought by the Department of Labor where the lead charge was a violation of 29 USC 0501 where officers of labor organizations violated their fiduciary responsibilities. The TRAC database is available at www.trac.syr.edu.
The Center report that is referred to this chapter in which the organization tracked expenditures and contributions of 225 party committees in 50 states was the award-winning "States Secrets" report that was released in June 2002.
Much of our analysis of how national political conventions are financed was based on the Campaign Finance Institute's convention financing report, which was released on June 2, 2003. The authors of the study are Steve Weissman and Jessica R. Vohn and it is available at:
www.cfinst.org/presidential/pdf/FEC_Comments_conventions.pdf
Bush Chapter One
For much of the detail about Harken Energy and George W. Bush's involvement with the firm, we used two sources: regular filings with the Securities and Exchange Commission, including Forms 10-K and Schedule 13D, and numerous documents-obtained via the Freedom of Information Act-that the SEC collected during its investigation into whether Bush had unlawfully engaged in insider trading. These documents include internal Harken memoranda, some stamped "confidential." Also included among the documents released under the FOIA is an "Action Memorandum," dated March 18, 1992, that the SEC Division of Enforcement sent to the commission to present its findings in the matter. Many of the Harken-related documents may be viewed on the Center for Public Integrity's Web site, http://www.publicintegrity.org.
The "Master Agreement Regarding Ballpark Complex Development," dated December 4,1990, provided details about the stadium lease agreement between the city of Arlington, Texas, and the Texas Rangers Major League Baseball team. Court documents provided insight into a dispute between Arlington landholders and the Arlington Sports Facilities Development Authority, Inc.
For background about George W. Bush's gubernatorial career, we relied on documents, memoranda, and correspondence obtained via the Texas open-records act. Details of the Governor's Business Council, including minutes of council meetings, were obtained in like fashion, as were copies of correspondence between Bush and Kenneth Lay, chairman and CEO of Enron.
Secondary sources that proved valuable in helping to piece together details of Bush's life included a multi-part series by Washington Post staff writers Lois Romano and George Lardner Jr., published in 1999, and the book Bush's Brain, by James Moore and Wayne Slater. Finally, we made use of Web site materials compiled by Texans for Public Justice that offered valuable details about the Bush fund-raising "Pioneers."
Bush Chapter Two
Many of the original government documents that speak to the Administration's policies regarding classified information, executive privilege, and related matters were downloaded from the Project on Government Secrecy, which is maintained on the Web site of the Federation of American Scientists.
Some of the reporting on the Total Information Awareness program (reborn in 2003 as Terrorism Information Awareness) came from a December 2002 report by Center for Public Integrity staff members Adam Mayle and Alex Knott. "Outsourcing Big Brother: Office of Total Information Awareness Relies on Private Sector to Track Americans" was published in "The Public i," the Center's online newsletter. Additional information about TIA contractors came from the Web site of the Electronic Privacy Information Center.
A particularly helpful resource for the section on the defense department's use of private contractors was an unclassified report, "Contractor Support on the Battlefield," written by Paula J. Rebar and published by the U.S. Army War College, Carlisle Barracks, Pennsylvania. See also "Contingency Operations: Army Should Do More to Control Contract Cost in the Balkans," published in September 2000 by the U.S. General Accounting Office (report No. GAO/NSIAD-00-225).
"Federal Contractors Incorporated Offshore," a GAO document (GAO-03-194R) dated October 1, 2002, provided useful data on publicly traded companies and their place of incorporation.
Our research into rollbacks of open-records laws was aided by "Homefront Confidential," a white paper published by the Reports Committee for Freedom of the Press.
We found two resources particularly useful for background on the USA Patriot Act: a background paper from the Electronic Privacy Information Center that detailed a lawsuit it had initiated with other organizations (see http://www.epic.org/privacy/terrorism/usapatriot/), and "The Patriot Act's Impact on the Government's Ability to Conduct Electronic Surveillance of Ongoing Domestic Communications," by Nathan C. Henderson, 52 Duke L.J. 179.
Details about the so-called Patriot II were first reported by the Center for Public Integrity on February 7, 2003, in "The Public i," in a story by Charles Lewis and Adam Mayle. Related documents are available on the Center's Web site, www.publicintegrity.org. A draft of the "Domestic Security Enhancement Act of 2003" is available as five PDF files at http://www.publicintegrity.org/dtaweb/downloads/Story_01_020703_Doc_1.pdf.
Bush Chapter Three
Some of the details about those participating in meetings of Vice President Dick Cheney's energy task force were first reported by Robert Moore, of the Center for Public Integrity, in a "Public I" report posted January 31, 2002, and updated March 4, 2002.
In addition to documents from the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, we relied on two sources in particular for details and statistics about the Berkeley Pit, in Montana: "Something About Butte," by Jeffrey St. Clair, in the political newsletter "Counterpunch" (January 4, 2003), and the community newsletter "Pitwatch."
A comprehensive source of information we consulted about industry-lobbyists-turned-agency-officials is "Beating Around the Bushes" by OMB Watch.
The full report of Vice President Dick Cheney's National Energy Policy Development Group, "Reliable, Affordable, and Environmentally Sound Energy for America's Future," is available for download as a series of PDF files at http://www.whitehouse.gov/energy/index.html.
Dean
Howard Dean was the longest serving governor in Vermont history. For that reason, the archives of Vermont newspapers overflowed with information about Dean's politics and policy. We relied heavily on the political reporting of publications as the Rutland Herald, the Burlington Free Press, and from the Associated Press wire service. The coverage that provided the most insight into the way Dean governed - and more important - into his career political patrons was done long before Dean entered the race for the Democratic Party presidential nomination.
The Rutland Herald and the Times Argus, which publishes a daily newspaper in the Barre/Montpelier region, sued Dean in 2002 over access to his travel records. We relied on the written decision of the Vermont Supreme Court to detail the case.
Beyond the Supreme Court, we relied notably on the public records of the Vermont governor's office, the General Assembly, the Secretary of State and the Department of Public Service for sections of the chapter that dealt with electric utility issues and with Dean contributor Robert Young, who was head of the state's largest electric utility company, the Central Vermont Public Service Corp. and the Vermont Yankee Nuclear Power Co.
Background information about David Coates, who was chair of the Vermont Economic Progress Council (VEPC) and a career patron of Dean, came from various sources, including his one-time employer, KPMG, the Vermont Economic Progress Council, the Green Mountain Power Corp., where he was a member of the Board of Directors. When state authorities launched an investigation of VEPC, the news coverage was intense. We used information from those major news sources as well, primarily the Associated Press.
The not-for-profit Vermont Public Interest Research Group was an aggressive watchdog on campaign finance reforms during the late 1990s and early 2000s. The organization's research and public statements helped to form the section of the chapter dealing with Dean's surprising reaction to reforms favored by most liberal causes.
The Internet sites of groups such as MoveOn.org and Meetup.com provided information about their genesis and purpose. We also tapped the widespread media coverage of the anti-war movement and the so-called "on-line primary" for sections dealing with MoveOn.org.
Stories by New York Magazine writer Meryl Gordon, published in the February 24, 2003, issue, offered insight into Howard Dean's privileged youth, growing up on Park Avenue to a family of Wall Street financiers. Dean's own U.S. tax returns from 1998 to 2001, which the Dean campaign graciously supplied to the authors, as well as the financial disclosures required of all presidential candidates, helped to complete the picture of Dean as a man of wealth and means. Other biographical information was gleaned from Dean campaign, his Political Action Committee, the Fund for a Healthy America, and other official biographies.
Edwards
Senator John Edwards' background is rich with public record and media coverage of his North Carolina courtroom victories in cases such as one involving five-year-old Valerie Lakey, who lost ninety percent of her intestines when she was trapped on suction outlet in wading pool.
The 1997 Lakey trial, in which Edwards won a $25 million jury verdict for the family, gained national attention, but was covered most extensively by the News-Observer newspaper in Raleigh, both Edwards' and the Lakey family's hometown. We relied News-Observer accounts for illuminating trial details.
The Nashville Bar Association provided the information about the years Edwards' spent with the now-defunct Dearborn Ewing law firm, 1978 through 1981. The Bar Association also directed the authors to six Tennessee attorneys who either worked with Edwards in Nashville, or were family friends. The each of the lawyers provided some general information about Edwards, under the condition that they not be identified in print.
Senator Edwards campaign web site and his official Senate biography were used, along with numerous public records made available by the Federal Elections Commission (fundraising records), the United States Senate (financial disclosures), the Administrative Office of the U.S. Courts (financial disclosures for Bankruptcy Court Judge J. Richard Leonard, an Edwards family friend), and other federal agencies.
Journalist Rob Christensen of the Raleigh News-Observer, who wrote about Edwards' U.S. Senate campaign, generously shared his insights about Edwards with this book's authors. Other North Carolina news reporters also provided valuable background information about Edwards, both as an elected official and as a trial lawyer. Democratic Party officials and Republican operatives also provided background information about the way Edwards ran his successful campaign against incumbent Lauch Faircloth in 1998.
The Internet site Overlawyered.com, run by conservative Walter Olson, author of The Litigation Explosion: What Happened Unleashed the Lawsuit, is a repository of links to writings often critical of the trial lawyer industry. The site led to experts and resources with a spectrum of opinions on mass torts litigation, the kind of law that many of Edwards' financial supporters specialize in.
Gephardt
Some of the details regarding Representative Richard Gephardt's Health Care Plan speech came from a video of the event at the Service Employees International Union in New York in April of 2003. His personal relationships to those in organized labor were illuminated in articles written by the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, the Associated Press and his campaign website.
Forms detailing Gephardt's and his staffs labor sponsored trips were collected from the House Legislative Resource Center for the years of 1996 through 2003 and processed in a Center for Public Integrity database. Another crucial system that exposed financial connections between Gephardt and labor unions was a Center-created campaign contribution database. The database, detailing Gephardt's campaign contributions, was compiled from individual, corporate and PAC contributions to the Effective Government Committee and its 527 counterpart, contributions to Gephardt's congressional campaigns from 1977 - 2002, Gephardt's 1988 and 2004 presidential campaign through June 30, 2003.
The Center also created a database by going through all of Gephardt's leadership committee filings with the Internal Revenue Service to find situations where he was bolstering his campaign through his non-federal soft money account. We also read hundreds of pages of investigations into Gephardt's campaign practices by the Federal Election Commission called Matters under review. Other biographical information was drawn from articles by the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, the Washington Post and The Hill newspaper.
To find connections between Gephardt and his largest contributors by reviewing lobbying disclosures available at the Senate Office of Public Records (sopr.senate.gov). These records were compared with Senator Lieberman's legislative actions, which are available at the Library of Congress (thomas.loc.gov).
The Center also went through Gephardt's entire legislative history through the Library of Congress to tabulate statistics on the various bills he sponsored on specific issues. The Center also compared lists of staff members of Gephardt to lists of former and current lobbyists to find so-called "revolving door" connections.
Graham
We relied on Thomas: Legislative Information on the Internet to obtain information on Graham's bills, amendments, votes and statements on the Senate floor.
We compared the bills, amendments and votes to information contained in lobbying reports we obtained from the Senate Office of Public Records. For information on Graham's top career patrons, we obtained both 527 financial disclosure reports from the Internal Revenue Service's Web site (www.irs.gov) and data directly from the Federal Election Commission.
We also acquired details on Graham's assets and income from the financial disclosures we obtained from the FEC.
We used background information on Graham's proclaimed views, goals and history from his Web site, Bob Graham for President and Miami Lakes Web site, www.miamilakes.com.
Throughout the chapter, we included background and biography information from a variety of newspaper articles. Most liberally used was Michael Grunwald's May 2003 Washington Post profile, "Running Scared." We also drew from information in Mark Silvand and Tamara Lytle's Orlando Sentinel article, "The Making of Bob Graham."
Some information on Graham's statements about the USA Patriot Act came from Bill Adair's June 2003 St. Petersburg Times article, "Graham quiet about his role on Patriot Act."
Particulars about Graham's intelligence investigation and his recent criticism of the Bush Administration came from several sources including Ramesh Ponnuru's May 2003 op-ed, "Graham's Cover Up," in the National Review Online; William Saletan's June 2003 op-ed, "Sponge Bob: Why is this man running for president," in Slate; Columbia Political Review's May 2003 question and answer article called "Cloak and Dagger Candidate;" Brian Knowlton's International Herald Tribune article, "Bush aide defends 'murky intelligence' on terror as norm;" and Joseph Curl's July 2003 piece in the Washington Times called "White House says Democrats' Iraq stance belies record." We also quoted from Eric Lichtblau's July 2003 New York Times article, "On Terror, Doubts Anew after a Scathing Report."
Many specifics on Graham's family history and the Graham Companies ventures came from Kris Hundley's St. Petersburg Times June 2003 article, "Blessings from an ugly piece of land."
Information about Graham's favors for and connections to the sugar industry came from a variety of sources, including lobbying reports, Thomas, financial disclosures and William March's and Phil Willon's August 1997 Tampa Tribune article, "Big Sugar sweetens Graham's election pot."
We used details on the sugar industry and its affects on the environment from Lesley Clark's April 2003 Miami Herald article, "House handling of Glades plan draws cries from environmentalists;" Peter Wallsten and Lesley Clark's May 2003 article in the Bradenton Herald called "Graham rapped on ties to sugar;" John Pain's November 2002 Associated Press article, "Everglades' wading birds breeding at highest level since 1940;" the Everglades Florida Audubon's Web site at www.audubonofflorida.org; Neil Santaniello's May 2003 Orlando Sentinel article, "Governor Plans to Sign Everglades-Cleanup Bill;" South Florida Business Journal's November 2001 article, "Florida Crystals, trade group buy Domino;" We also quoted from the U.S. Sugar Corp's Web site at www.ussugar.com. Also included were details from Michael Grunwald's June 2002 Washington Post article, "When in Doubt, Blame Big Sugar." We also obtained information from the Florida Crystals Corporation's Web site at www.floridacrystals.com and quoted from Graham's June 2003 Boston Globe op-ed, titled "Bush Policies Harm the Environment."
We incorporated information on Graham's death penalty actions and views from sources including a March 1988 Associated Press article, "Florida convict is executed despite appeal from the Pope;" the Northwestern Law Center on Wrongful Convictions Web site; Karen Datko's January 1988 Associated Press article, "Death warrant No. 6 signed for murderer;" and a March 1988 Associated Press article, "Daren put to death, still claiming he was innocent." We also quoted from Alan Richman's October 1986 Time Inc. article, "Sunnyside up for the Senate."
Details on Graham's actions and campaigns as governor came from several sources including Laurie Hollman's October 1986 St. Petersburg Times article, "Graham: crime-fighter, businessman, environmentalist;" Jessie Hess's November 1986 The Atlanta Journal-Constitution article, "Election 86: The Southeast Democrat Graham ousts Florida's Sen. Paula Hawkins;"
Information about Graham's ties to the energy industry came from sources including lobbying reports, Thomas, financial disclosures and David Dahl's February 1992 article in the St. Petersburg Times, "Graham campaign chest stuffed;"
We used information on and quotations about Graham's ties to the banking industry, from sources including Thomas; financial disclosures; David Dahl's August 1991 St. Petersburg Times article, "CenTrust ties could hurt Sen. Graham;" and an August 1991 series of editorials in the St. Petersburg Times called "It looked bad." We quoted from a March 1997 brief in the Orlando Sentinel headlined "Graham will return some PAC money,"
We obtained "Matter Under Review" documents, which described details about Graham's ties Carlos Cardoen and the FEC's investigation and ruling on the matter, from the FEC's reading room. We also obtained information from Will Lester's May 1993 Associated Press article, "Defense Contractor, Arms Dealer Indicted in Iraq Arms Sales;" Glenn Simpson's April 1992 Roll Call article; and Will Lester's May 1993 Associated Press article, "Defense Contractor, Arms Dealer Indicted in Iraq Arms Sales."
Kerry
John Kerry's career patrons list was put together by the Center for Public Integrity based on campaign finance records from the Federal Election Commission. We also sparingly used campaign finance data from the Center for Responsive politics. Numbers cited on the section on the Citizen Soldiers Fund are from on FEC and Internal Revenue Service documents.
For biographical details, we used a variety of primary and secondary sources, among them, Kerry's Senate and presidential Web sites; the Boston Globe's week-long series "John Kerry: Candidate in the Making" and the paper's other biographical sketches of the senator published between 1990 and 2002; articles from newspapers such as the Washington Post and Boston Herald and the Rolling Stone magazine. Quotes from Kerry's 1971 Senate testimony are from the book "The New Soldier," by John Kerry and Vietnam Veterans Against the War (Edited by David Thorne and George Butler, Collier Books, New York, New York, 1971).
For floor speeches and congressional voting and other records, we depended on the Library of Congress Web site thomas.loc.gov. Lobbying records are from the Senate Office of Public Records Web site.
On the spectrum issue, the letters we cited were obtained via the Freedom of Information Act from the Federal Communications Commission. We also used materials from the Web sites of the FCC and the Cellular Telecommunications and Internet Association.
In the section on Kerry's use of Heinz family plane, we used information from campaign expenditure records filed with the FEC, documents from the Senate Ethics Committee and news accounts from the Herald. Details on Kerry receiving the housing arrangement were first published by the Globe in 1996.
Information in the section on David Paul, Johnny Chung and Parthasarathi "Bob" Majumder came from several primary and secondary sources including court documents, newspaper stories and campaign finance records.
Lieberman
Some of the information regarding Pfizer's opening of its Groton facility was obtained by company news releases and articles. Other data regarding Pfizer's lobbying issues were drawn from lobbying disclosures available at sopr.senate.gov. These records were compared with Senator Lieberman's legislative actions, which are available at the Library of Congress (thomas.loc.gov).
Information on Pfizer stock holdings were obtained from the financial disclosures housed at the Senate Office of Public Records. Other forms at the Senate contained information detailing company-sponsored trips made by Lieberman and his staff. For a historical perspective on Pfizer's contributions, we researched records through the Center for Responsive Politics.
Biographical information was obtained through various stories by The New York Times, Hartford Courant, and the Washington Post. Other background information was derived from the "Almanac of American Politics" and the Democratic Leadership Council's web site.
Contribution and expenditure information regarding the New Democratic Network's 527 committee was culled from IRS forms into a Center database. The information from the largest contributors was compared with legislative records from Thomas and lobbying records from the Senate Office of Public Records.
Other information came from correspondences between Sen. Lieberman and various federal agencies released to the Center through the Freedom of Information Act. We also included proposals and statements from press releases posted on Lieberman's Senate and campaign websites.
The Center also went through Lieberman's entire legislative history through the Library of Congress to tabulate statistics on the various bills he sponsored on specific issues. The Center also compared lists of staff members of Lieberman to lists of former and current lobbyists to find the conflicts surround the Biotechnology Industry Organization and his positions. Other information on this relationship was available on the industry group's website (www.bio.org). Other information on Pfizer was derived from the company's annual reports and website.
Moseley Braun
The information about Moseley Braun's current campaign travails was obtained primarily through phone conversations with several sources familiar with the topic, and was confirmed by the campaign itself. The campaign was very generous with this information, sending us extensive documentation to confirm or refute allegations we heard elsewhere. Documents filed with the Federal Election Commission also allowed us to gain context and insight. The anecdote about Moseley Braun's sparsely-attended speech in Des Moines comes from a February 19, 2003 article in the Boston Globe by Glen Johnson.
We found articles in the Chicago Tribune and Chicago Sun-Times particularly helpful for understanding Moseley Braun's Senatorial campaigns, and the reaction to some of her alleged improprieties. Information on her legislative record was culled from documents available from the Library of Congress online, at thomas.loc.gov.
For details on the financial and accounting difficulties faced by Moseley Braun's 1992 campaign, we turned to documents from the Federal Elections Commission, including the audit report and several Matters Under Review.
Sharpton
Sharpton's own two books provided much background biographical information: Go Tell Pharaoh by Sharpton with Anthony Walton (Doubleday 1996) and Al on America by Sharpton with Karen Hunter (Dafina Books 2002). Dafina Books also published Adam on Adam; The Autobiography of Adam Clayton Powell Jr., in 1971. Documents listing Sharpton's legal troubles, including his New York state tax liens, were procured from the King's County Supreme Court in Brooklyn, New York. One piece that proved very helpful in describing Sharpton's trial on fraud and defamation charges was the March 30, 1990 article "State Calls Sharpton Group a Façade" by Howard Kurtz in the Washington Post. Another article that was enormously helpful to many aspects of the chapter, especially those regarding Sharpton's mayoral and senatorial runs, was Garance Franke-Ruta's January 2003 piece for the American Prospect, "Let's Get Ready to Rumble! Al Sharpton Gears Up to Take on the Dems."
By far the most essential documents for the chapter came from those comprising Pagones v. Maddox (Docket no. 88-4595), the suit filed against Sharpton and his attorney Alton Maddox by Steven Pagones, the attorney whom Sharpton was convicted of defaming during the Tawanna Brawley trial. A deposition of Sharpton by Pagones' lawyer Gary Bolnick on December 6, 2000, provided many lively quotes. Other important documents include subpoenas of Sharpton's landlord and creditors, paycheck stubs, records of federal tax liens and incorporation records from the New York Department of State.
Other essential documents included tax returns for 1994, 1995, 1996, 1998, 1999, 2000 and 2001 from Sharpton's nonprofit organization, the National Action Network. These provided information on donors, board members, and loans, among other things. Some returns were obtained through Freedom of Information Act requests to the Internal Revenue Service, while others were provided by Sharpton's attorney as required by law.
All election polling figures came from the New York State Board of Elections, except for figures on the 1992 senate race's black, Hispanic and union votes, which came from the article "Reformation of a Street Preacher" by Catharine Manegold that ran in the New York Times on January 24 1993. Interviews with Sharpton opponents Ruth Messinger and Mark Green also shed some light on the drama of the elections.
Finally, information about Sharpton's 2004 campaign finances, including his consulting income and current tax audit, came from mandatory filings with the Federal Election Commission (http://herndon1.sdrdc.com/cgi-bin/fecimg/?C00384388). Details of Sharpton's previous campaign expenditures, including personal loans and parking tickets, were also taken from FEC filings.
Conclusion and Acknowledgements
Statistics on the average amount of incumbents' fundraising in Senate and House of Representatives election campaigns was obtained for the Center for Responsive Politics election overview of the 2002 election, which is available on their webpage www.opensecrets.org.
We used the Center for Voting and Democracy's report "Money Politics 2002: How 'No Choice Elections Rule in a Competitive House'" for analysis of incumbents re-election rates since 1990. We were also influenced by its "Dubious Democracy Report 2001", which correlated non-competitive elections with declining voter participation.
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