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Bill Buzenberg interviews former Representative Lee H. Hamilton

The Center in the News . . .

A recent Council on Foreign Relations backgrounder titled U.S-Pakistan Military Cooperation cited the Center's Collateral Damage project, which found among its major findings that Pakistan was the largest recipient of U.S. military aid, receiving almost $5 billion since 9/11, with little in the form of federal oversight and accountability.

The House of Representatives recently amended the Federal Advisory Committee Act (FACA). Among the newly expanded public provisions, White House task forces will be prohibited from operating in secrecy, transcripts or recordings of committee meetings will be electronically available, and advisory committee appointments must be made without regard to political affiliation or activity. The Center's Shadow Government project investigated FACA loopholes and several conflict of interest cases more than a year ago.

The Wall Street Journal featured the Center's latest analysis of the lobby spending by the pharmaceutical industry, health product manufacturers, and their trade groups. The Center found that the pharmaceutical manufacturers and their trade groups spent a record $168 million on federal lobbying last year, a 32 percent increase from 2006.

A new report from the Government Accountability Office (GAO), requested by the House Foreign Affairs Committee, tasked the Defense Department with providing greater oversight in the way it handles Pakistan reimbursement claims for coalition support funds (CSF), a program created after 9/11 to reimburse key U.S. allies in the global war on terror. In May 2007, the Center's Collateral Damage project found that post-9/11 U.S. military aid to Pakistan, totaling more than $5 billion, was subject to virtually no congressional oversight.

Washington Post national politics reporter Shailagh Murray in the paper's daily campaign 2008 blog, 'The Trail,' cited a Center interview with James A. Johnson, who recently resigned from Senator Obama's vice presidential search committee. In the interview, Johnson had "kind words" to say about veteran senator, and potential VP contender, Christopher Dodd.

On Thursday, the Senate Intelligence Committee released its Phase II report on prewar Iraq intelligence. Committee Chairman John D. (Jay) Rockefeller said: "It is my belief that the Bush administration was fixated on Iraq, and used the 9/11 attacks by Al Qaeda as justification for overthrowing Saddam Hussein. To accomplish this, top administration officials made repeated statements that falsely linked Iraq and Al Qaeda as a single threat and insinuated that Iraq played a role in 9/11. Sadly, the Bush administration led the nation into war under false pretenses." To read more about the Bush administration's false statements about the national security threat posed by Saddam Hussein's Iraq, check out the Center's War Card project.

A Morning Call.com editorial cited a 2003 Center survey that ranked all 50 states' lobby disclosure laws. Until 2006, Pennsylvania had no lobbying law at all and was ranked 50th in the nation by the Center's survey. Currently, the legislature will consider a measure that would forbid gifts and entertainment from lobbyists to public officials.

Harry Shearer, actor, entertainer, musician, artist, and creator of the song 935 Lies - featured in his upcoming CD, Songs of the Bushmen - said in The Huffington Post, "Just in case Scott McClellan wasn't keeping count, the Center was: at least 935 falsehoods told by the president and his aides in the run-up to the [Iraq] war."

The Sunlight Foundation's SunSpots blog featured the "eye-popping reports" from the Center's Shadow Government project. The Center's Shadow Government project investigated a few federal advisory committees, part of a vast maze of committees, tasked with influencing federal government agencies on a variety of safety and policy issues, often done under secretive conditions with little public accountability.

Douglas Feith, President Bush's undersecretary of defense for policy from July 2001 to August 2005, was on The Daily Show with Jon Stewart May 12 and talked about the Iraq War. He said, "I think a lot of what the administration said was correct." The Center's Iraq War Card project, which documented 935 false statements made by Bush and six top administration officials in the two years following September 11, 2001, about the national security threat posed by Saddam Hussein's Iraq, would prove otherwise.

Watch the world premier video of Harry Shearer's video "935 Lies." Shearer, best known for his work on The Simpsons, This is Spinal Tap, Le Show, Saturday Night Live, For Your Consideration and A Mighty Wind, unveiled a video satire based on the Center's Iraq War Card project, which documented the 935 false statements orchestrated by top Bush Administration officials in the two years following September 11, 2001, about the national security threat posed by Saddam Hussein's Iraq.

The Sarasota Herald-Tribune's Kirsten Mitchell reported that Sen. Pete Domenici and 16 other Republican senators, who support the easing of offshore drilling restrictions on the Outer Continental Shelf for oil and gas, have received more than $3 million in campaign contributions from individuals and PACS affiliated with the oil and gas industry since Jan. 1, 2007.

The Washington Post's Matthew Mosk reported that Steven A. Betts, a top presidential campaign fundraiser for Sen. John McCain, was one of several Arizona developers who benefited from McCain-engineered land swaps.

TheStreet.com's John Stout cited the Center's Buying of the President 2008 chapter on Stealth Campaigns in "How Much Does It Cost to Buy a Presidency?" Political non-profit groups, such as MoveOn.org and the American Leadership Project, "will probably play an important role in this presidential election," he said.

Tobacco Companies Linked to Criminal Organizations in Cigarette Smuggling
United States

In his statement to Congress in March 2000, the head of U.S. Customs — a former Marine and New York City cop who rose to the rank of police commissioner before turning to federal and international law enforcement — alerted lawmakers to a new and alarming problem. There had been a "dramatic increase" in the number of cigarette imports to the United States, starting roughly in the last half of 1999. "International cigarette smuggling has grown to a multibillion-dollar-a-year illegal enterprise linked to transnational organized crime and international terrorism," Commissioner Raymond Kelly said. He noted that cigarette smuggling profits now rivaled those of drug trafficking, with the United States playing an important role as a source and transshipment country. "Large sums of money related to cigarette smuggling flow through U.S. financial institutions," Kelly added. Congress had already held two hearings on the laundering of drug dollars through the purchase of U.S. goods, including cigarettes, and several worried manufacturers (though not from the tobacco industry) had reportedly held talks with Justice Department officials on the matter.

 
In This Report

Kelly testified that Customs had "taken steps to disrupt and dismantle some of the smuggling networks in cooperation with foreign law enforcement officials" and was "studying the dramatic increase of cigarette imports into the United States in the last two quarters of 1999." Kelly, who has since stepped down as Customs commissioner, declined to be interviewed about this subject. But an internal government memo on the dramatic rise in cigarette imports to the United States, obtained by the Center, shows that the value of cigarette imports nearly doubled in 1999 over the previous year, from $91.6 million in 1998 to $172.2 million in 1999. The total for 2000 was expected to be at least as high, if not higher. The import figures have caught law enforcement's attention because they are greater than even those registered during the height of the Canadian smuggling scam, when Canadian cigarettes were exported to the United States, allegedly for consumption, but smuggled back into Canada, where cigarette taxes were much higher.

For example, cigarette imports to the United States were valued at $15 million to $18 million a month during the Canadian smuggling heyday in 1993-1994, the memo said. Since October 1999, the monthly cigarette importation rate has been between $20 million and $25 million and was increasing to about $30 million a month. In addition to the unexplained rise in imports — the majority of which are said to be international brands, mostly Philip Morris and R.J. Reynolds products — authorities have noted an increase in exports from countries that had not previously shipped cigarettes to the United States, including Spain, Switzerland, India, Korea, Greece, and Latvia.

A Center analysis of cigarette imports to the United States since 1995 shows a similar trend. Based on data from the U.S. Agriculture Department, which tracks cigarette imports and exports, cigarettes imported to the United States for consumption (as opposed to imported cigarettes entering legally bonded warehouses for possible transshipment to other locations) doubled between 1998 and 1999, from 4.3 billion sticks a year to 8.6 billion sticks. The 1999 import figures the most recent available were nearly three times greater than 1997 imports. Imports from Spain, Japan, and India rose the most dramatically over the past five years, according to USDA data. In 1995, Spain exported 10.9 million cigarettes for U.S. consumption. By 1999, that number had jumped to 2.6 billion cigarettes. Imports from Japan and India also increased by more than a billion cigarettes over the same period.

In a country where smoking rates have declined nearly 18 percent over the last decade, and cigarette exports and domestic production have each dropped 13 percent over the last five years, law enforcement authorities are puzzled by the rise in cigarette imports for consumption. They suspect that, as during the Canadian smuggling operation and as Kelly suggested before Congress, the United States might again have become a way station on the global black market trade. "That would suggest we've got a bunch of cigarettes coming in and transiting the United States," said one law enforcement official, on condition that he not be further identified. Duties on container loads of cigarettes bound for the United States are significantly cheaper than for the European Union or Canada, about $125,000 per container load compared with about $1 million, adding to the profit margin of smuggling cigarettes via the United States. U.S. officials said it was possible that the rising cigarette imports were increases on paper only, because only a fraction of all goods entering or leaving the United States are ever inspected at the country's ports. Indeed, the racketeering lawsuits that have been filed against the tobacco companies contend that the "vast majority" of smuggled cigarettes are shipped from the United States and that the companies regularly filed false documents with U.S. Customs and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms "so as to deceive . . . and allow the smuggling to continue."

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