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Bill Buzenberg interviews former Representative Lee H. Hamilton

The Center in the News . . .

A recent Council on Foreign Relations backgrounder titled U.S-Pakistan Military Cooperation cited the Center's Collateral Damage project, which found among its major findings that Pakistan was the largest recipient of U.S. military aid, receiving almost $5 billion since 9/11, with little in the form of federal oversight and accountability.

The House of Representatives recently amended the Federal Advisory Committee Act (FACA). Among the newly expanded public provisions, White House task forces will be prohibited from operating in secrecy, transcripts or recordings of committee meetings will be electronically available, and advisory committee appointments must be made without regard to political affiliation or activity. The Center's Shadow Government project investigated FACA loopholes and several conflict of interest cases more than a year ago.

The Wall Street Journal featured the Center's latest analysis of the lobby spending by the pharmaceutical industry, health product manufacturers, and their trade groups. The Center found that the pharmaceutical manufacturers and their trade groups spent a record $168 million on federal lobbying last year, a 32 percent increase from 2006.

A new report from the Government Accountability Office (GAO), requested by the House Foreign Affairs Committee, tasked the Defense Department with providing greater oversight in the way it handles Pakistan reimbursement claims for coalition support funds (CSF), a program created after 9/11 to reimburse key U.S. allies in the global war on terror. In May 2007, the Center's Collateral Damage project found that post-9/11 U.S. military aid to Pakistan, totaling more than $5 billion, was subject to virtually no congressional oversight.

Washington Post national politics reporter Shailagh Murray in the paper's daily campaign 2008 blog, 'The Trail,' cited a Center interview with James A. Johnson, who recently resigned from Senator Obama's vice presidential search committee. In the interview, Johnson had "kind words" to say about veteran senator, and potential VP contender, Christopher Dodd.

On Thursday, the Senate Intelligence Committee released its Phase II report on prewar Iraq intelligence. Committee Chairman John D. (Jay) Rockefeller said: "It is my belief that the Bush administration was fixated on Iraq, and used the 9/11 attacks by Al Qaeda as justification for overthrowing Saddam Hussein. To accomplish this, top administration officials made repeated statements that falsely linked Iraq and Al Qaeda as a single threat and insinuated that Iraq played a role in 9/11. Sadly, the Bush administration led the nation into war under false pretenses." To read more about the Bush administration's false statements about the national security threat posed by Saddam Hussein's Iraq, check out the Center's War Card project.

A Morning Call.com editorial cited a 2003 Center survey that ranked all 50 states' lobby disclosure laws. Until 2006, Pennsylvania had no lobbying law at all and was ranked 50th in the nation by the Center's survey. Currently, the legislature will consider a measure that would forbid gifts and entertainment from lobbyists to public officials.

Harry Shearer, actor, entertainer, musician, artist, and creator of the song 935 Lies - featured in his upcoming CD, Songs of the Bushmen - said in The Huffington Post, "Just in case Scott McClellan wasn't keeping count, the Center was: at least 935 falsehoods told by the president and his aides in the run-up to the [Iraq] war."

The Sunlight Foundation's SunSpots blog featured the "eye-popping reports" from the Center's Shadow Government project. The Center's Shadow Government project investigated a few federal advisory committees, part of a vast maze of committees, tasked with influencing federal government agencies on a variety of safety and policy issues, often done under secretive conditions with little public accountability.

Douglas Feith, President Bush's undersecretary of defense for policy from July 2001 to August 2005, was on The Daily Show with Jon Stewart May 12 and talked about the Iraq War. He said, "I think a lot of what the administration said was correct." The Center's Iraq War Card project, which documented 935 false statements made by Bush and six top administration officials in the two years following September 11, 2001, about the national security threat posed by Saddam Hussein's Iraq, would prove otherwise.

Watch the world premier video of Harry Shearer's video "935 Lies." Shearer, best known for his work on The Simpsons, This is Spinal Tap, Le Show, Saturday Night Live, For Your Consideration and A Mighty Wind, unveiled a video satire based on the Center's Iraq War Card project, which documented the 935 false statements orchestrated by top Bush Administration officials in the two years following September 11, 2001, about the national security threat posed by Saddam Hussein's Iraq.

The Sarasota Herald-Tribune's Kirsten Mitchell reported that Sen. Pete Domenici and 16 other Republican senators, who support the easing of offshore drilling restrictions on the Outer Continental Shelf for oil and gas, have received more than $3 million in campaign contributions from individuals and PACS affiliated with the oil and gas industry since Jan. 1, 2007.

The Washington Post's Matthew Mosk reported that Steven A. Betts, a top presidential campaign fundraiser for Sen. John McCain, was one of several Arizona developers who benefited from McCain-engineered land swaps.

TheStreet.com's John Stout cited the Center's Buying of the President 2008 chapter on Stealth Campaigns in "How Much Does It Cost to Buy a Presidency?" Political non-profit groups, such as MoveOn.org and the American Leadership Project, "will probably play an important role in this presidential election," he said.

EU Accuses U.S. Tobacco Companies of Trading With Iraq, Terrorists

By Maud S. Beelman

WASHINGTON, February 22, 2002 — American tobacco companies have violated sanctions against Iraq for years by sending billions of cigarettes into the country, often with the aid of a terrorist organization, the European Union has alleged.

The allegations, made in recent filings in U.S. District Court in New York, were the latest salvos in a civil racketeering lawsuit against R.J. Reynolds and Philip Morris by the European Community and 10 member nations. The suit accused tobacco companies of running a global and decades-long cigarette smuggling operation that robbed national treasuries of billions of dollars in tax revenue and became a money-laundering vehicle for criminal organizations.

RELATED REPORTS
-White House Pushed Pro-Tobacco Measure In Anti-Terrorism Bill
(Nov. 29, 2001)

-Tobacco Companies Linked to Criminal Organizations in Lucrative Cigarette Smuggling (March 3, 2001)

- Tobacco Firms Used Suspected Drug Traffickers, EU Says (Nov. 7, 2000)

- U.K. Considering Formal Investigation into Cigarette Smuggling (June 15, 2000)

- Philip Morris Accused of Smuggling, Money-Laundering Conspiracy in Racketeering Lawsuit. (May 23, 2000)

- Global Reach of Tobacco Company's Involvement in Cigarette Smuggling Exposed in Company Papers. (Feb. 2, 2000)

- Major Tobacco Multinational Implicated In Cigarette Smuggling, Tax Evasion, Documents Show (Jan. 31, 2000)

On Tuesday, Judge Nicholas Garaufis dismissed the lawsuit, saying that current U.S. law prohibited him from ruling on what amounted to a foreign tax claim. But he left open the possibility that the European Union could pursue money-laundering charges against the tobacco companies. The EU said later it would file an amended lawsuit.

In court filings preceding the judge's dismissal, lawyers for the European Union argued that there was "clear and convincing evidence that there is a link between cigarette smuggling and terrorism" and submitted hundreds of pages of documents showing cigarette shipments from the United States taking a circuitous journey to Spain, Cyprus and Turkey before arriving in Iraq.

"Since the early 1990s, United States tobacco companies have distributed their products from the United States through the European Community and into Iraq," they said in a Feb. 1 filing. "Distribution of U.S.-brand cigarettes into Iraq continues on virtually a daily basis."

The EU lawyers, led by Kevin Malone, a partner in a Florida firm, included a sealed document in their filing with the court, which they said "authoritatively shows that the cigarette shipments into Iraq were linked to the PKK." The PKK, or the Kurdistan Workers Party, is a separatist group accused of a series of bombings in Western Europe. Washington has labeled the group a terrorist organization.

"Based upon international cooperation in this matter, the European Community has learned that the scheme to ship cigarettes into Iraq involved the Kurdistan Workers' Party, known as the PKK," the EU lawyers said, arguing that the shipments enriched not only the terrorists but also the regime of Saddam Hussein, whose son, Uday, reportedly controls cigarette smuggling in Iraq.

The EU also included a Jan. 4, 2002, affidavit from a man identified as a Turkish security consultant. Tugrul Ozsengul said he had visited the Habur border crossing between Turkey and Iraq in December 2001 and "witnessed that Winston cigarettes and Philip Morris brand cigarettes were being shipped across the border into Iraq.

"I questioned people working and living in the area about these shipments and learned that almost every day lorries, mainly of the above-mentioned brands, have been shipped to Iraq, and this situation has persisted for several years. Additionally, I learned that some of these cigarettes were being taken to Iran from Iraq," he said. The EU had earlier filed documents with the court that alleged the tobacco companies smuggled cigarettes into Iran, in much the same way they allegedly have to other countries.

Despite the brief reference to Philip Morris brands and Iran, the majority of the EU filings focused on RJR and Japan Tobacco, which purchased RJR Nabisco's international tobacco division in 1999 and created an American subsidiary operating out of Puerto Rico.

The EU lawyers included dozens of copies of bills of lading and other documents from foreign customs agencies, as well as a Jan. 29, 2002, statement from a Cypriot Customs officer, to bolster their claim that U.S.-brand cigarettes shipped from a plant in San Juan ended up in Iraq. Three Turkish customs notices also were included, "verifying the actual and final export of the cigarettes to Iraq," the lawyers said.

"For many years, R.J. Reynolds Tobacco International S.A. (Geneva) provided consignments to Cypriot companies, often for massive amounts of Winston brand cigarettes. Part of the scheme was to falsely declare that the shipments were destined for export (i.e., to "Russia") when, in fact, the products were destined for countries outside of Cyprus and Russia (i.e., Iraq)," the EU lawyers said.

"It is hard to exaggerate the scope of the scheme inasmuch as since August 1999  during a time when both RJR and Japan Tobacco had responsibility for management or oversight of the operations approximately 570,000 master cases (or 5.7 billion cigarettes) were distributed through Cyprus."

Many of those shipments, the lawyers said, were destined for Iraq even though their bills of lading stated specifically: "United States law prohibits disposition of these commodities to North Korea, Vietnam, Iraq, or Cuba unless otherwise authorized by the United States."

The Iraqi shipments began with RJR and simply continued after Japan Tobacco acquired the company's international tobacco division, the lawyers argued. One June 4, 1999, invoice, from RJ Reynolds Tobacco International S.A. Geneva, was almost identical to 2001 invoices by Japan Tobacco Geneva, indicating, the lawyers said, "that this particular routing through Cyprus was initiated by RJ Reynolds Tobacco and then subsequently adopted by Japan Tobacco, Inc."

In another filing on Feb. 13, EU lawyers included documents from a breach-of-contract lawsuit in Cyprus, in which one cigarette distributor sued another and R.J. Reynolds Tobacco International S.A. over which RJR distributor had the rights to the Iraqi market. The 1997 Cyprus case "sets forth in great detail exactly how R.J. Reynolds solicited, managed, and operated the sales of huge volumes of cigarettes into Iraq from 1990 through 1997" and corroborates RJR's role in illegal cigarette sales to Iraq through the end of 2001, the EU said.

Iraq has been under a U.S. trade embargo since its 1990 invasion of Kuwait, and only government-approved food, medical and other specified humanitarian goods can be exported from the United States to Iraq.

But CIA director George Tenet told Congress in 1998 that key officials of Saddam Hussein's regime "live off the revenues generated through illicit trade." The EU lawyers cited reports identifying Saddam's son, Uday, as controlling cigarette smuggling operations in Iraq.

The EU submissions on terrorism followed a Jan. 11, 2002, hearing on a motion to dismiss the case. The tobacco companies argued that a similar lawsuit, filed by Canada, was dismissed last year after a federal appeals court upheld a ruling that an 18th century common law, called the Revenue Rule, prohibited U.S. courts from being used to collect foreign taxes.

EU lawyers had countered that the USA Patriot Act, passed after the Canada ruling and in the wake of the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks, clearly established that U.S. courts could be used to prosecute transnational crimes, such as smuggling and money-laundering. And their February submissions on cigarette smuggling and terrorism were meant to bolster that argument.

In response, the tobacco companies said they would not dignify the EU's "absurd factual allegations with a response," Irvin Nathan, a Philip Morris lawyer, wrote for the defendants. "In the unlikely event that it becomes necessary, defendants will address the substance of this irresponsible submission at the appropriate time."

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