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Bill Buzenberg interviews former Representative Lee H. Hamilton

The Center in the News . . .

A recent Council on Foreign Relations backgrounder titled U.S-Pakistan Military Cooperation cited the Center's Collateral Damage project, which found among its major findings that Pakistan was the largest recipient of U.S. military aid, receiving almost $5 billion since 9/11, with little in the form of federal oversight and accountability.

The House of Representatives recently amended the Federal Advisory Committee Act (FACA). Among the newly expanded public provisions, White House task forces will be prohibited from operating in secrecy, transcripts or recordings of committee meetings will be electronically available, and advisory committee appointments must be made without regard to political affiliation or activity. The Center's Shadow Government project investigated FACA loopholes and several conflict of interest cases more than a year ago.

The Wall Street Journal featured the Center's latest analysis of the lobby spending by the pharmaceutical industry, health product manufacturers, and their trade groups. The Center found that the pharmaceutical manufacturers and their trade groups spent a record $168 million on federal lobbying last year, a 32 percent increase from 2006.

A new report from the Government Accountability Office (GAO), requested by the House Foreign Affairs Committee, tasked the Defense Department with providing greater oversight in the way it handles Pakistan reimbursement claims for coalition support funds (CSF), a program created after 9/11 to reimburse key U.S. allies in the global war on terror. In May 2007, the Center's Collateral Damage project found that post-9/11 U.S. military aid to Pakistan, totaling more than $5 billion, was subject to virtually no congressional oversight.

Washington Post national politics reporter Shailagh Murray in the paper's daily campaign 2008 blog, 'The Trail,' cited a Center interview with James A. Johnson, who recently resigned from Senator Obama's vice presidential search committee. In the interview, Johnson had "kind words" to say about veteran senator, and potential VP contender, Christopher Dodd.

On Thursday, the Senate Intelligence Committee released its Phase II report on prewar Iraq intelligence. Committee Chairman John D. (Jay) Rockefeller said: "It is my belief that the Bush administration was fixated on Iraq, and used the 9/11 attacks by Al Qaeda as justification for overthrowing Saddam Hussein. To accomplish this, top administration officials made repeated statements that falsely linked Iraq and Al Qaeda as a single threat and insinuated that Iraq played a role in 9/11. Sadly, the Bush administration led the nation into war under false pretenses." To read more about the Bush administration's false statements about the national security threat posed by Saddam Hussein's Iraq, check out the Center's War Card project.

A Morning Call.com editorial cited a 2003 Center survey that ranked all 50 states' lobby disclosure laws. Until 2006, Pennsylvania had no lobbying law at all and was ranked 50th in the nation by the Center's survey. Currently, the legislature will consider a measure that would forbid gifts and entertainment from lobbyists to public officials.

Harry Shearer, actor, entertainer, musician, artist, and creator of the song 935 Lies - featured in his upcoming CD, Songs of the Bushmen - said in The Huffington Post, "Just in case Scott McClellan wasn't keeping count, the Center was: at least 935 falsehoods told by the president and his aides in the run-up to the [Iraq] war."

The Sunlight Foundation's SunSpots blog featured the "eye-popping reports" from the Center's Shadow Government project. The Center's Shadow Government project investigated a few federal advisory committees, part of a vast maze of committees, tasked with influencing federal government agencies on a variety of safety and policy issues, often done under secretive conditions with little public accountability.

Douglas Feith, President Bush's undersecretary of defense for policy from July 2001 to August 2005, was on The Daily Show with Jon Stewart May 12 and talked about the Iraq War. He said, "I think a lot of what the administration said was correct." The Center's Iraq War Card project, which documented 935 false statements made by Bush and six top administration officials in the two years following September 11, 2001, about the national security threat posed by Saddam Hussein's Iraq, would prove otherwise.

Watch the world premier video of Harry Shearer's video "935 Lies." Shearer, best known for his work on The Simpsons, This is Spinal Tap, Le Show, Saturday Night Live, For Your Consideration and A Mighty Wind, unveiled a video satire based on the Center's Iraq War Card project, which documented the 935 false statements orchestrated by top Bush Administration officials in the two years following September 11, 2001, about the national security threat posed by Saddam Hussein's Iraq.

The Sarasota Herald-Tribune's Kirsten Mitchell reported that Sen. Pete Domenici and 16 other Republican senators, who support the easing of offshore drilling restrictions on the Outer Continental Shelf for oil and gas, have received more than $3 million in campaign contributions from individuals and PACS affiliated with the oil and gas industry since Jan. 1, 2007.

The Washington Post's Matthew Mosk reported that Steven A. Betts, a top presidential campaign fundraiser for Sen. John McCain, was one of several Arizona developers who benefited from McCain-engineered land swaps.

TheStreet.com's John Stout cited the Center's Buying of the President 2008 chapter on Stealth Campaigns in "How Much Does It Cost to Buy a Presidency?" Political non-profit groups, such as MoveOn.org and the American Leadership Project, "will probably play an important role in this presidential election," he said.

Cigarette Company Documents Outline Strategy to Derail Global Tobacco Treaty

By Ben Coates

WASHINGTON, May 16, 2003 — With the first global treaty to regulate tobacco set to be debated next week, newly released internal company records reveal a key tobacco industry player's sophisticated campaign against the proposed accord. British American Tobacco, the world's second largest tobacco company with 2002 revenue of about $40 billion, considered a two-pronged strategy: projecting a public image of corporate social responsibility while simultaneously working to prevent the enactment of a tough worldwide treaty, the documents show.

The several hundred pages of documents, which came from the Minnesota Tobacco Document Depository, a collection of company records established as a result of the state of Minnesota's lawsuit against tobacco companies, were sent to the depository in February and April 2003 and are dated between 1999 and 2001.

During this period, BAT was developing and implementing a strategy to confront a treaty sponsored by the World Health Organization. Work on the proposed Framework Convention on Tobacco Control began four years ago. The World Health Assembly, which oversees WHO, is set to consider the final draft during its meeting beginning May 19.

The convention—or treaty— aims to reduce smoking worldwide. It requires countries to ban all tobacco advertising (where constitutionally possible), demand large health advisory warnings that cover at least 30 percent of principal display areas, and prohibit deceptive product descriptions, possibly including such terms as "light" or "low tar." The convention, which is the first negotiated under the auspices of the WHO, also sets forth a series of recommendations, including measures to limit second-hand smoke exposure, raise tobacco taxes, eliminate tobacco smuggling and prohibit underage smoking. If adopted by the World Health Assembly, the treaty would enter into force once 40 nations have ratified it.

Additional Documents
Adobe Acrobat 5 PDF A design for a cigarette pack with disposable packaging featuring a health warning that "becomes redundant once removed."
Adobe Acrobat 5 PDF A letter to BAT Chairman Martin Broughton advising him of a meeting with WTO Director General Mike Moore.
Adobe Acrobat 5 PDF Letter to WTO Director Mike Moore from BAT Chairman Martin Broughton regarding upcoming meeting between the two.
Adobe Acrobat 5 PDF An email from Simon Millson discussing plans to set up a strategy toward proposed FCTC.
Adobe Acrobat 5 PDF An email discussing broad strategy toward FCTC and establishment of regional teams to work on the issue.
Adobe Acrobat 5 PDF A list of potential projects to promote image of tobacco in public arena.
Adobe Acrobat 5 PDF Letter from Hallmark PR's Tom Watson to BAT officials regarding a meeting with Zimbabwe's Minister of Health.
Adobe Acrobat 5 PDF Outlines for two operational planning meetings regarding broad public relations strategies that took place in 2000.
Adobe Acrobat 5 PDF Grower Public Relations Programme Draft Proposals for 2001. Notes that FCTC will be primary focus.
Adobe Acrobat 5 PDF A report on an International Tobacco Growers' Association "Roadshow" involving meetings and presentations in five countries during March 2000.
Adobe Acrobat 5 PDF An email from Simon Millson discussing ways for BAT to help the International Tobacco Growers' Association.
Adobe Acrobat 5 PDF A fax from R.J. Reynolds International to BAT and other tobacco companies informing them of the International Tobacco Growers' Association's next meeting.

The United States has indicated that it will not sign the treaty unless a clause is added allowing it to take 'reservations' (which would allow individual countries to opt out of clauses they found objectionable), angering critics who claim that such an action would benefit big tobacco companies.

The Center's review of BAT emails, memos, meeting notes, and policy proposals indicates that the company envisioned a serious threat from the proposed treaty. "The WHO's proposed Framework Convention on Tobacco Control represents an unprecedented challenge to the tobacco industry's freedom to continue doing business," concluded a document BAT proposing a broad strategy to confront the WHO.

Others within the company saw adoption of a convention as inevitable, but didn't think it was necessarily a bad thing, as long as it did not include specific enforcement measures harmful to the industry. "We are not necessarily against a convention," wrote Simon Millson, international government affairs manager and head of BAT's WHO task force, "but the potential form and content of the proposed convention as is being proposed by the WHO could contain some serious threats and concerns for the long term viability of the industry.We must therefore ensure that the convention and associated protocols are broad based."

Some strategies alluded to in the documents include:

  • A long range plan to rehabilitate the image of the company and the tobacco industry as a whole. Consulting firm KPMG discussed a proposal with senior staff to help the company reinvent itself as a more "socially responsible" enterprise by drafting a code of conduct, working to assuage the doubts of key officials and NGOs and making a conspicuous "commitment to social accountability." Shabanji Opukah, head of international development issues for the company , found the plan promising: "Time comes when organizations have to be shocked out of their comfort zones and shells and some of this unfortunately may come from externally driven rather than internally inspired and value driven sources." For BAT, Opukah continued, the treaty "presents the best opportunity to take forward the big agenda on CORPORATE REPUTATION Management."
  • A proposal to create an independent, international organization to regulate the tobacco industry, in the hope that taking a proactive stance could preempt WHO efforts for a global treaty and "increase public confidence in the regulatory process, and thereby decrease political support for anti-tobacco pressure groups."

While these proposals for image reinvention were being circulated, more direct lobbying against WHO's initiative was planned. Among the aspects proposed for this campaign:

  • "Propose a solution to fast track 'sensible regulation' at a national level with the tobacco industry's support that is consistent with our own corporate objectives." This would help to "stiffen the growing resistance to adopting a legally binding global convention."
  • Provide funding, along with other large tobacco companies, for a global information campaign conducted by the International Tobacco Growers' Association, a UK-based organization representing tobacco growers from 22 countries. An email from Dr. Tom Watson of Hallmark PR, a firm funded by BAT and other tobacco manufacturers that directed ITGA's marketing efforts, suggested one aspect of the group's value to the tobacco industry: the growers' association could serve as "the credible (i.e. non-manufacturer) front end for the battle over [the tobacco free initiative] and the Tobacco Control Convention." In other words, ITGA initiatives, supported with tobacco company money but untarred by the industry's reputation, could more effectively lobby against the WHO's convention.
  • Argue that AIDS and other diseases pose greater health threats than tobacco, thereby undermining WHO's credibility. "Then idea is to use the forum to challenge and ridicule the WHO convention," wrote Shabanji Opukah regarding an upcoming pan-African AIDS conference.
  • Undertake a sophisticated and targeted global lobbying effort aimed at convincing government officials of selected countries to oppose the WHO initiative. Through its global network of Corporate and Regulatory Affairs (CORA) personnel, BAT planned to target key countries for more intensive lobbying. As one document noted of BAT's activities to date: "Materials containing the key arguments they need to challenge the legal, economic and political foundations of the [tobacco free initiative] have been circulated to all CORA managers. As a result, there has been some success at a government level. Brazil, China, Germany, Argentina and Zimbabwe have all agreed to make submissions to the drafting process." Lists of key countries and summaries of WHO activity were distributed to company lobbyists.

The documents do not make clear if all of these strategies were in fact implemented. However, expenditure reports and billing sheets from outside law and consulting firms illustrate that at minimum hundreds of thousands of dollars were spent on the overall effort. Ross Hammond, consultant to the international program for the Campaign for Tobacco Free Kids, an organization supporting WHO's proposed treaty, charged that the documents "show a concerted industry effort to undermine the Framework Convention, which [the tobacco companies] rightly see as a threat to their ability to do business, particularly in developing countries."

Jeannie Cameron, International Regulatory Affairs Manager for BAT, agreed that the FCTC "affects the future of our industry," but insists that the company has not engaged in any underhanded activity. "We have provided our views openly and transparently," she says, adding that "we accept that tobacco should be regulated but are in favor of sensible regulation, and feel that FCTC is a one-size-fits-all approach and needs to be looked at more nationally. What may work in one country may not work in another country," she said.

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